BigBallinStalin wrote:Metsfanmax wrote:BigBallinStalin wrote:Metsfanmax wrote:_sabotage_ wrote:That's your version of carbon tax. In the version that will be mandated, the system will be the winner, and those who work to bring it about for the system.
You do see that you are supporting something you don't support, right?
Your perspective is inherently defeatist; it suggests that we can never attempt to influence government in a way that is net beneficial to society, since the attempt will always be corrupted. Not only is this empirically denied by real efforts by grassroots organizations to influence change, but it also creates a pessimistic mood that is a self-fulfilling prophecy. You have to believe that you can create real change if you're going to have a chance to do it.
Discarding the consequences of reinforcing the status quo in the attempt of promoting optimal public policies (which will be modified, thus suboptimal or worse than before) doesn't help. You'd have to start at a more fundamental level: e.g. public opinion. One way is to build awareness of what voters are actually dealing with, what the limits of central planning are, what the capabilities of the markets and civil society are, etc. That's the educational project which is largely the goal of libertarians.
Suppose we assume that there is some probability X of success through legislating in the status quo method, and 1 - X probability of not succeeding, and further instilling the status quo. We must weight each of those probabilities by the expected consequence of each scenario.
The latter scenario is only slightly marginally more worse than the status quo. The former scenario is much better than the status quo because of the prevention of expected harms. Therefore if (X * profits from changing the law) > ( (1 - X) * harms from failure ), it is worth attempting to make the change.
The underlined are not true; they're just assumptions which make your position seem much better than it really is.
For example:
(a) the neglected option, "doing nothing," could be better ("doing nothing" could be a public policy, thus fit within your approach, but it entails a totally different starting point from yours, which is "do something"). For example, the 1919 public policy response to that recession was essentially 'do nothing'. The consequences were much better compared to the consequences of 'do something' during the 1930s, which prolonged and worsened the depression.*
(b) reinforcing the status quo is not always "slightly worse than the status quo." It can be much worse, and/or it can have cumulative effect, e.g. we get a stupid way to govern ourselves within 100 years.
(c) Assuming you can measure all expected harms and benefits and develop a sound way for comparing them, then sure.
Your conclusion holds true if utilitarianism holds true. Utilitarianism is useful only if we can have the sound tools for making interpersonal comparisons of utility (benefits minus harm). However, utilitarianism is not the only moral path, and it lacks a sound way of making such comparisons, so it can easily be abused by its adherents. This consequence doesn't matter if you use utilitarianism in your backyard; it's a problem if you put yourself in a larger seat of power.
Another note. When you engage in an action for public policy, it's really just an action that leads to a distribution of potential outcomes (it can't be: 'either this or that'), and the optimal amount at the end, which is required for your conclusion, is unknowable because of uncertainty and of incomplete information (which highlights the unsoundness of your conclusion).
* Final note. The problem of the counterfactual. Some paths can never be known, so we're stuck within this realm of unknown soundness, so we have to do the best we can in coming to our conclusions. Of course, that doesn't stop policymakers from blundering forward with very little foresight and understanding. I just want to highlight this nagging feature of any debate in any social science and philosophy.
Utilitarianism is valuable because it also teaches us about the ramifications of "doing nothing." As you say, "doing nothing" can be better. But it can also be really, really bad -- and this is what is currently in store for us. The fossil fuel industry shows no real signs of decline, and if we continue to emit carbon dioxide at ever increasing rates as a species, we are very probably going to have a bad time in 100 years. The science is clear on this. It would be one thing if there were any signs that the market would switch completely to alternative power sources, of its own accord, in the next five years or so. Is there any sign that it will do so? I think not. There is currently no economic benefit to being the one to take the risk to make a large investment in shifting the grid to, say, solar or nuclear. Therefore we are relying completely on waiting for solar to reach grid parity. Even when it does, it's not going to even mostly replace fossil fuels for areas like transportation, and we will wait for the development of better and better batteries for vehicles (batteries are, I think, the real step that will transport us into "the future"). So there's little incentive in the market as it is for correcting the problem; this is the result of a market distortion (externality) whereby we do not pay for the damage we are inflicting on society when we consume a product.
The way that utilitarianism can guide us is in recognizing that we are culpable for the "doing nothing" option if we could have done something to prevent it. The fact that there are probabilities involved does not fundamentally change the equation. All good policy decisions are probabilistic in nature. What you instead seem to object to is subjective judgments. The problem is that this can lead to paralysis even if most would agree that the result of the paralysis would be a very bad thing. It is true that not everyone would agree that the warmed globe is bad
for them. But most reasonable people can agree that the warmed globe is bad
for most people. And so if we are utilitarian, we act to prevent the harm to the greatest number, even if that means doing something that is inconvenient for a minority.
So the essential thesis here is that the advocates of "doing nothing" (e.g. letting the market play out without regulation) are still culpable for the situation that occurs afterward. This is not just the default method that we compare all other options to, and then choose to 'act' only if the rewards are great enough. Instead, we have a choice to go down one path or the other, and we must choose the path with the greatest chance of success, weighted by the magnitude of that success.
So then we come to the issue of, how do we weigh these things? But to an extent, the above answers that. We don't need to be super precise in our answers, because we make a choice
either way. So we make the choice that is best governed by the information we have. There is a very bad, negative impact associated with doing nothing; there is a very slightly marginally bad impact assocated with doing something and failing (since implementing a law that ends up making the fossil fuel industry richer doesn't change the end-game scenario either in terms of our political process, or the switch that will eventually happen to renewables and nuclear). No, I can't provide a precise quantification of these. I can only convince you that we have to make a choice, and that the impacts of global warming are bad enough that they
massively outweigh the alternative scenario.
BigBallinStalin wrote:Metsfanmax wrote:Also, you neglect the possibility of change to the status quo method of doing things through the status quo method.
No, I don't. For example, the reduction of tariffs was done through government. That was a good idea.
Actually, that's not really what I am referring to. What I mean is that if we use this effort as a catalyzing action, it is, in a sense, reclaiming our democracy. It shows that grassroots efforts can be enough to stand up against powerful lobbying efforts. Some people seeing this will recognize that they have a voice in their government, more so than they previously thought, and it can lead to greater civic participation and education via motivation in being involved in the democratic process.